Today news:

* Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (Bosnia and Balkans)

Balkan Investigative Reporting Network Balkan Insight Daily No. 411, November 25 2009

> For further information: www.birn.eu.com

* Camera di Commercio Italiana per la Romania (Romania/Italy)

 Cari Soci ed Amici,

Vi inviamo in allegato il "Bollettino" CCIpR n.22, la Newsletter economica della Camera di Commercio Italiana per la Romania.

Alleghiamo inoltre la relazione relativa alla Convention mondiale delle Camere di Commercio Italiane all’Estero, svoltasi a Salerno dal 24 al 28 ottobre 2009, alla quale hanno partecipato il Presidente G. Frinzi accompagnato dal Segretario Generale f.f. A. Dimache.

 Dragi Asociati si Prieteni,

Va transmitem atasat "Bollettino" nr.22, Newsletter-ul economic al Camerei de Comert Italiene pentru Romania.

Anexam, de asemenea, o sinteza referitoare la Conventia mondiala a Camerelor de Comert Italiene in Strainatate, ce s-a desfasurat la Salerno in perioada 24 - 28 octombrie 2009, la care au participat Presedintele G. Frinzi insotit de Secretarul General f.f. A. Dimache.

> For further information: www.cameradicommercio.ro

* Caritas Diocesana di Catania (Italy)

 Riflessioni sulla vicenda della morte di Vasile Rusu

Vasile Rusu, 55 anni, rumeno, è stato ritrovato cadavere, in una piazza del centro cittadino a Catania.

La notizia della morte di una persona senza dimora, straniera, come spesso capita, ha prodotto una serie di reazioni miste tra la commiserazione e la consapevolezza dell’ineluttabilità di una condizione umana, che sembra ormai divenuta un fatto di “ordinaria amministrazione”. Morire per strada, nel centro di una città, privati della propria dignità di uomini, anche nel momento estremo, quello della morte, vissuta in solitudine e povertà, come, del resto, si è vissuta la vita.

È opportuno che questo avvenimento lasci dentro di noi non solo una serie di emozioni, ma è necessario che ci porti anche a riflettere sull’urgenza di attivare un piano politico organico di contrasto alla povertà estrema.

Ci pare chiaro che lo sforzo della Caritas di organizzare servizi di assistenza emergenziale, come un pasto caldo, la possibilità di lavarsi, un letto al coperto, opportuni per tutti coloro che vivono in strada, sono insufficienti se non affiancati ad azioni volte a garantire a tutti condizioni minime di vita, attraverso una seria politica di housing sociale e di riqualificazione professionale delle persone espulse dal mondo del lavoro, di affiancamento delle persone vittime di dipendenze patologiche e affetti da problemi psichiatrici.

Casa, lavoro e azioni di prossimità efficaci sono, infatti, condizioni imprescindibili per garantire una qualità della vita sostenibile e dignitosa.

Tornando a Vasile Rusu, cittadino rumeno, morto in Italia a 55 anni. Questa morte ci porta a fare alcune riflessioni sulla condizione di vita degli stranieri in Italia, molti dei quali si trovano a dover vivere senza casa, riuscendo a lavorare solo saltuariamente e con urgenti necessità in patria: problemi economici molto gravi, precarie condizioni di salute dei congiunti o la volontà di garantire un’istruzione superiore ai propri figli per assicurare loro un futuro migliore. Sono questi i motivi che spingono molte delle persone straniere che vengono in Italia a sopportare condizioni di vita inimmaginabili. Molto spesso si è portati a chiedersi come mai non tornano a casa loro, la risposta la troviamo nelle storie di quasi tutti coloro che vediamo lavorare come manovali o come badanti nelle case di molti italiani. Si tratta di una risposta semplice: l’Italia rappresenta ancora per molti l’unica opportunità di riuscire a garantire condizioni di vita decorose alle proprie famiglie lasciate a casa.

Noi della Caritas non conoscevamo Vasile, non sappiamo quale fosse la sua storia, ma possiamo immaginare che fosse simile a tante altre storie di cui conosciamo i volti, e, purtroppo, molto spesso la fine.

P. Valerio Di Trapani (Direttore Caritas Diocesana Catania)

> For further information: redazione@telestrada.it

* Central Asian News Service (Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia)

Daily news report of 25 November

> For further information: www.ca-news.org

* Civil Georgia (Georgia)

Daily news online of 25 November 2009

> For further information: www.civil.ge

* Eurasia Partnership Foundation CRRC-Armenia (Armenia)

On behalf of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation CRRC-Armenia is pleased to invite you to a presentation onthe main findings of the investigative journalistic research on “State of Armenian Irregular Migrants in Turkey” to be conducted by Artak Shakaryan

Date: November 30, 2009

Time: 16.00-17:30

Where: Room 305, CRRC-Armenia, 52 Abovyan Str.

Language: Armenian

Overview: As a part of the Eurasia Partnership Foundation “Identifying the State of Armenian Migrants in Turkey” project an investigative journalistic research has been carried out in Istanbul, Antalya, Trabzon and Ankara, through focus group and in-depth interviews.

Who should attend? Findings and suggestions reflected in the research are applicable for wide spectrum of professionals, representatives of the government, local and international public and private organizations.

Registration: If you are interested in the presentation, please register by emailing the title of the presentation, your name, and organizational affiliation to crrcnews@crrc.am or by calling 58-13-30, 58-14-50 by November 29, 2009, 5:00 PM.

> For further information: www.epfound.am

* Informest (Italy, Eastern Europe, Russia, Caucasus and Central Asia)

Newsletter n. 40 del 2009

> For further information: www.informest.it

* Interfax (Russia and Cis)

Interfax Russia & CIS Diplomatic Panorama, November 25

> For further information: www.interfax.com

* Istituto Culturale Ceco (Italy/Czech Republic)

Gentili Signore, Egregi Signori, Cari amici dell’Istituto Culturale Ceco di Roma,

abbiamo l´onore, in collaborazione con Associazione Praga ed Istituto Slovacco di cultura , di invitarvi al prossimo evento culturale: proiezione del film SÍLA LIDSKOSTI -FORZA dell´ UMANITÁ ( in italiano, ´62 minuti) che si terrà martedí, 1 dicembre 2009 alle ore 18.00 presso l´Istituto Culturale Ceco (in via Costabella 28-Roma).

Il film racconta di un eroe moderno, Sir Nicholas Winton, che nel 1938 come un giovane e rampante impiegato di Borsa a Londra, salvò oltre 600 bambini ebrei cecoslovacchi dai campi di concentramento, facendoli salire a Praga su treni per Londra. Sir Nicholas Winton ha quest´anno compiuto 100 anni.

> For further information: www.czechcentres.cz/rome

* Istituto Italiano di Cultura di Praga (Czech Republic/Italy)

Si trasmettono gli inviti per due concerti di cui uno lo abbiamo a disposizione, purtroppo, soltanto nella lingua ceca - Posilame pozvanky na dva koncerty.

> For further information: www.iicpraga.esteri.it

* Latvian Centre for Human Rights (Latvia)

Newsletter of 25 November, 2009

> For further information: www.humanrights.org.lv

* Memorial (Russia and Cis)

 Kyrgyzstan: How a Russian Human Rights Activist Was Accused of Espionage and Extremism

On the evening of 18th November 2009, in the town of Osh, employees of the State National Security Service (GSNB) illegally detained an employee of the Human Rights Center "Memorial", Bakhrom Khamroev, who was in the process of collecting materials on the persecution of independent Muslims in southern Kyrgyzstan. Without explanation, this citizen of Russia was detained for about 14 hours, subjected to interrogation and intimidation, and the next morning flown to Moscow.

The incident was reported by the world’s leading news agencies. On the evening of 18th November, the organization "Human Rights Watch" called on Kyrgyz authorities to immediately release the detainees (along with Khamroev, a local human rights activist, Izzatilla Rahmatillaev, was detained for several hours) and to not interfere in their future work. Concerns were expressed by many international and human rights organizations.

Officials in Kyrgyzstan still reject to comment on the issue. Meanwhile, many important details of the incident remained until recently unknown to journalists.

Below are the most important details from the story of Bakhrom Khamroev. They were written after the return of the human rights activist to Moscow. It should be noted that, while remembering what happened, our colleague is not yet fully recovered from the state of stress caused by being held by the GSNB. He was spoken to by a large number of employees of the agency, almost none of them mentioned their surnames and positions. Contrary to the law of arrest, the seizure of money and objects and his deportation was in no way officially documented, while the request for a meeting with Russia’s Consul and the drafting of a report were unconditionally rejected.

Surveillance of the human rights activist began on 11th November, almost immediately after his arrival in Osh.

On the 13th November, Bakhrom came to Nookat together with a local human rights activist, Izzatilloy Rahmatillaev. During a meeting in a cafe with a relative of a persecuted Muslim, GSNB employees spoke with Rahmatillaev and the owner of the café, demanding that the human rights activist leave the area, calling him "a British spy." As a result of this, Bakhrom was forced to cancel his arranged appointments and go back to Osh.

On the morning of 17th November, an administrator of "Navruz" Hotel in Jalalabad handed Bakhrom an oral request from the GSNB to leave the city within two hours, otherwise "he was in for a surprise." On the advice of local human rights activists, he left Jalalabad to Osh.

On the evening of evening of 18th November, Bakhrom had dinner with a journalist from Radio Liberty, Sherzod Yusupov, in a cafe called "Issyk-Kul" in the center of Osh. During the dinner, GSNB employees, who were following him, briefly entered the cafe. It soon became apparent that their visit was the preparatory part of an operation to detain the human rights activist.

At around 6.10pm, Bakhrom and Sherzod left the cafe. They managed to walk ten yards, when they were suddenly stopped by two policemen who asked to check their documents. Sherzod was taken to the city’s police department and was released after about half an hour. Another policeman checked Bakhrom’s passport, giving it back and noting that everything was in order. As soon as the policeman walked away, Bakhrom was surrounded by several men in civilian clothes, who grabbed him by the hand. At the request of the human rights activist, one of them presented him with a certificate showing him to be an employee of the GSNB. Bakhrom was not allowed to call a friend and his mobile phone was immediately confiscated along with a bag with a camera in it under the pretext that the package could be an explosive device. Bakhrom was forced into a car and driven to the GSNB’s offices. Before reaching the office, the car was joined and accompanied by another car containing local "Chekists” (security service officials).

The car with the detained human rights activist was driven into the courtyard of the GSNB offices. Bakhrom was brought into the building with his head forcibly bent down, and while being led into one of the rooms on the first floor the following words were uttered: "the building is a secret site, you are not supposed to see it,” and. He had his belt, tie and money (about 450 dollars) confiscated, had his pockets turned inside out, his camera removed from the bag along with three notebooks, which were handed over to the site’s leadership.

A member of staff who was detaining Bakhrom phoned somewhere on his mobile phone and said: "Ok we’re done, we have brought him, come, come."

Bakhrom asked to call Russia’s Consul and to file a report, but he was told that he was not in need of either a Consul or a report because members of the security officers from Andijan were already on their way from Osh, to whom he was going to be handed over to: "Now they are going to come and smear you to the wall."

They began to ask: "Why is Uzbekistan looking for you? They are very interested in getting hold of you." An hour later, Bakhrom was shown two cars from a window, which according to GSNB staff had arrived for him from Uzbekistan. One of the cars had an Uzbek license plate. Likewise, Bakhrom saw several Uzkebs in the corridor, but none of them spoke to the detainee.

Threats of extradition to Uzbekistan lasted for eight continuous hours - up until the time when at 2.30am it was decided to send him to Moscow, although he was not informed of this. A member of the GSNB said: "The Uzbeks will pay fifty thousand for you. The money would not go amiss for the New Year. And how much can you give? Do you not understand? If you do not understand, we’ll buy you a ticket to Moscow via Tashkent, and when there - you know yourself. " Another officer in Bakhrom’s presence phoned someone and said: "We will drive him to the border ourselves, there you can come and take him" – after which he asked: "Well, what, are you going to go to the motherland?" It is difficult to say whether these threats were merely a tool of psychological pressure or a question about the secret transfer of Russia’s human rights activist to Uzbekistan, genuinely discussed by the leadership of the security services of both countries. It is possible that what saved Bakhrom from extradition to Uzbekistan was the foreign media, which disseminated news of the detention that very same evening.

In the office in which Bakhrom was questioned, there were at any one time no less than three staff members of the GSNB. The human rights activist was forced to write an explanatory note, a brief biography, the reasons for his trip, his place of residence in Osh and details of relatives in Uzbekistan. Bakhrom’s said that he had arrived in Osh to meet with refugees and families of convicts, which was disapproved of by the “gebisti” (security officials). They pushed him to rewrite the explanatory note several times.

The questions that were asked at times resembled a parody of a spy film: "Do you pray?" Who sent you? What tasks were you carrying out? Confess that you cam here to organise an uprising, a coup. We know everything about you. Why did you arrange a picket in Moscow in front of the Kyrgyzstan embassy? Why have you got a phone number of a member of staff in the GSNB in your notebook (we are talking about a local GSNB employee, who played a provocative role in the events in Nookat in 2008, then was promoted and now works in Bishkek. During the interview, one of the people from Nookat read out an old work telephone number of the staff member to Bakhrom – namely that of Vitaly Ponomarev)? Were you arranging his murder? Why did you write it down: was he beaten, did he have leaflets planted on him? Are you trying to avoid the situation? Who heads up “Memorial”? Orlov? How old is Orlov? Are you working with Ponomarev? Yes, he’s a well-known personality. Who finances your organization? Why are you denying that you a citizen of Uzbekistan? If you do not confess, we will bring down here those who fought with the militants, they are merciless. We will send you to the fourth chamber, and then you’ll see...." Some of these questions were repeated several times.

An unknown in a uniform walked into the office a couple of times. He swore, insulting Bakhrom and shouting: "This is a Moscow Sart (the word" Sart "was used as a derogatory name for ethnic Uzbeks). They must be exterminated. We will hand him over to the Special Forces (“Spetznaz”) and let them brake all his bones." Some “rather more polite" staff member calmed his colleague down: "There is no need to speak like that. Later on we’ll put him in a cell, and then you can go and sort things out with him."

About an hour after having been detained, they worked out what address the bag with Bakhrom’s belongings in could be found at and a group of employees were sent there. At about 8pm they returned with the bag and brought with them the owner of the house – human rights activist Izzatullu Rahmatillaev. They seized over 700 pages of documents from the bag: photocopies of criminal case judgements in relation to Muslims, evidence of seized religious literature, a video disc; a list of political and religious prisoners in Uzbekistan published by "Memorial", two copies of a report on "the events in Nookat”, and also four local leaflets of “Hizb ut-Tahrir " (one written in Kyrgyz and three in the Uzbek language). Bakhrom does not deny that all the items seized belonged to him. The discovery of a large number of papers caused a marked response by the “Chekists” (security officials): "How did you manage to gather so much material in a few days?" – they were asking the human rights activist.

A young Kyrgyz expert, quickly examining the pile of evidence and accusations before him, sated categorically that: "The nature of the crime is evident. We have secret data here. We will deal with the matter." Bakhrom was asked: "Why did you collect these documents?" His answer, "to monitor repression”, provoked laughter among the GSNB staff: "What repression? You know, we have the most democratic state."

Other objects found also received a very biased interpretation.

For example, a picture of a deep ditch on the border with Uzbekistan for an article on border problems was seen to be evidence of "attempts to destabilize the situation in Uzbekistan from over here." "Perhaps the uprising was being prepared? Where would you going to put the guns?" We, also had a revolutionary - Alisher (Alisher Saipov – a well-known journalist who was murdered in Osh in October 2007 by secret service agents of Uzbekistan), you know what happened to him? "- said the GSNB staff members.

The “Memorial” report on the "Nookat events" (www.memo.ru/2009/01/27/2701091.htm), was according to the GSNB the "real crime, libellous, extremist and incited hatred." "How many copies have you circulated? Who gave them to you?" Did you want to destabilize the situation? You and your colleagues do not need to touch Kyrgyzstan. Tell them that whoever comes to us with a sword will leave with the sword. We have a long reach, we have friends in Russia too" – the “gebisti” (security officials) said in an attempt to scare him.

Three colleagues of the GSNB talked about the "criminal" nature of the report by "Memorial", including the Chief of the Investigative Unit, who soon entered the office. It turned out that his signature was on some of the seized documents. "From whom did you receive copies of the documents? These are our state secrets. What’s more the leaflets and the report by "Memorial " – this is extremist literature, which is incendiary in nature" – he said. The query against the sentence, in that it was a public document and that there wasn’t any classified material among the papers seized, remains unanswered. "There is enough material here to convict you. You have no right to gather information without getting permission from the Foreign Ministry. Rahmatillaev, with whom you stayed, is indicted with harbouring, aiding and abetting and possessing extremist literature. Let him also write an explanation.

The Chief of the Investigative Unit handed Bakhrom photocopies of Article 299 along with a few other articles of the Penal Code and asked him to read it aloud. “I will not read it aloud, - said Bakhrom – Maybe you will also force me to sing Kyrgyzstan’s national anthem?" (Torture practiced by GSNB when dealing with Muslims. For mistakes made in singing the anthem a prisoner is subjected to severe beatings). "Singing the national anthem is not necessary. You know about this? Are you admitting your guilt?" Another officer joined in the conversation: "You say you did not commit any crimes?" Everyone who comes here says that. We know who you work for."

After some time, the Chief of one of the units of the GSNB came into the room. All other staff members left the office. Bakhrom was asked to choose: hand him over to Uzbekistan who will begin a criminal prosecution against him on the basis of extremism or he "apologises to the leadership of the GSNB" and "voluntarily" goes home. Once again demands were made for him to confess to espionage "like a man" and answer the questions: "Who sent you?" Why were you gathering information? Why did you come to Kyrgyzstan and not to Uzbekistan? Which extremists did you meet with?” (Bakhrom refused to answer this question). "The guys will work with you now, do what they say." - "We’ll see." - "What do you mean ‘we’ll see’? Watch what you say. Watch out or we’ll send you to the fourth cell.”

The employees of GSNB who continued the conversation also disapproved of Bakhrom’s independent position: "Why are you not agreeing with our leader, with what we are saying, but are instead choosing to stand your ground all the time, like a ‘hizbutovets’ (member of Hizb ut-Tahrir)? Do you agree that we have not set you up? With regards to yourself we are not doing anything at all to you; you’re sitting in a warm office. If it were not for an order we would have smeared you on the wall long ago, thrown you in a "refrigerator” and then to the criminals, you would be begging on your knees for forgiveness."

About half way through the second night, Bakhrom, finding himself in a stressful situation, wrote a brief "apology" at the request of the GSNB staff: he did not circulate or even have time to read the four Hizb ut-Tahrir leaflets that were seized from him, he was not intending to break the law; if possessing them is illegal, then he asks the Kyrgyz authorities to forgive him for that.

After that, Bakhrom was told that his fate was being decided by the leadership – they were awaiting "guidance from the center." The employees complained: "Because of you everyone had to be woken up. We would have been long asleep at home. Incidentally, discussions were taking place on political topics: "What do you think, who will come to power in Uzbekistan after Karimov? We know how many people he has had killed in Andijan. You say the people will decide?" No, neither the people there nor here don’t decide anything."

An hour later, a polite chief, who did not identify himself, told the human rights activist that he would be expelled from the country: "Leave quietly and don’t feel upset with us. You have conducted illegal activities. Come again, but on legal grounds. The next time get all the information from us.”

After this the tension eased. At about 4 o’clock in the morning, Bakhrom was driven to the airport. The building turned out to be closed, so they went to a café and then again to the GSNB offices. The security service officers joked with each other about selling the civil right activist to Uzbekistan and then going home.

One of those who followed Bakhrom in the preceding days became interested and asked him whether he noticed him "carrying out his objectives”. "Of course, I saw you here and there" - said Bakhrom. "Well, it is clear; you are a professional agent – so I concluded that you were a "security officer". - I have received good training. Who do you work with here?" How many of you are there? It is impossible for one person to gather so much information in a few days. We were told that you travel to Pakistan to prepare people there…” Conversations in this nature continued right up until the boarding of the plane at around 8am.

His money was not returned to him (they said that they had spent it all on his return ticket, which he never saw however). Left in the GSNB offices were mobile phones with Moscow-based and local SIM-cards, all the papers and the "dangerous" notes and a flash card from the digital camera with hundreds of pictures, mostly of a personal nature.

The incident relating to Bakhrom once again raises questions about the alarming situation with regards to the grave and increasingly common civil rights violations committed by security forces of Kyrgyzstan under the pretext of fighting "Islamic extremism".

The information from Kyrgyzstan, allows us to formulate some general conclusions.

Firstly, despite the fact that in the 1990s a stereotype was formed that Kyrgyzstan was an "oasis of democracy" in Central Asia, we see a situation whereby the activities of the secret services are uncontrolled and extremely dangerous for society, especially in the southern part of the country. In fact, the "machine of repression", along similar lines to that of Stalin, has already been formed here, which can come into full force at any time. After last year’s "Nookat events" one no longer needs any serious reasons to arrest and convict someone on charges of extremism for 15-20 years: often enough suspicions are enough, as are unauthoritative "expert" opinions on the criminal nature of the printed materials that are seized (which are often planted). Torture and the transfer of Muslims to the Uzbek authorities in exchange for an informal monetary reward are becoming common practice. By manipulating information and scaring society with threats of "Islamic extremism", the security services are pushing for a personally beneficial transformation of the political system towards an extremely repressive model, along the lines of neighbouring Uzbekistan.

Secondly, in many cases the illegal actions of the security services do not reflect the initiatives of their local colleagues, but are authorized by the leadership of the GSNB. Obviously, as long as the agency is headed by Murat Sutalinov, known for his extremist calls for public executions of independent Muslims and the wider application of the principle of "collective responsibility" in fighting crime (which is incompatible with the idea of the rule of law), one can hardly expect for the workings of the agency to comply with legal standards. This is especially the case in the absence of an effective legal control over the activities of the GSNB.

Thirdly, the leadership of the GSNB seeks to prevent the spread overseas of qualified and detailed reports on the increasing repression of political and religious dissent within the country. This explains the emergence in the autumn of last year of a growing list of foreign human rights activists and journalists who are denied entry into the country. This is in direct contradiction with Kyrgyzstan’s international obligations.

Fourthly, the repression of independent Muslims in southern Kyrgyzstan has significantly increased since the autumn of last year - a problem that is seriously underestimated by both the West and the local human rights community. There are no special monitoring programmes relating to criminal cases and other violations of the rights of independent religious communities; there are an unknown number of religious prisoners. Only a few of the local human rights activists are trying to deal with these problems. As in Uzbekistan, there is little information on the majority of politically motivated trials in Kyrgyzstan.

Fifthly, GSNB staff explain their actions as the need to "maintain stability". However, as the experience of neighbouring Uzbekistan shows, it is the cruel and unlawful actions of the special services themselves that are the major factor in the destabilization of the region. Now the Kyrgyz security officials are trying to follow the same path. In this case, as in Uzbekistan, there are those who could be at least formally considered to be "terrorists", yet among the convicted Muslims there are almost none...

In the process one night, our colleague Bakhrom Khamroev managed to observe how the Osh management of the GSNB in Kyrgyzstan operates. It was possible to see how it works from the inside - in contrast to visitors from other organizations, entering the same building but at the main entrance. Russia’s citizens saved him from torture and fabricated charges. But let’s ask ourselves: what happens to ordinary citizens who fall under the suspicion of local intelligence? Unfortunately, the stories of convicts in Nookat, and others alike, lead us to a unambiguous and uncomfortable conclusion.

One wants to believe that this issue will finally get the attention of international organizations, as well as relevant government bodies of the Kyrgyz Republic.

P.S. The next day, after returning to Moscow, two of Bakhrom’s acquaintances received calls from Kyrgyzstan. One described a visit from GSNB staff, wondering what information he had passed on to the Russian human rights activist. Another said that on the eve of the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Adha, religious believers are asked to come to a law enforcement agency and required to give a written guarantee that they will not hold any celebrations in addition to those that are organised by the official Administration of Spiritual Muslims in Kyrgyzstan. In general, a large-scale war on "extremism and terrorism" continues...

> For further information: www.memo.ru

* Nato (Belgium)

NATO launches rocket fuel oxidizer destruction project in Uzbekistan Oqtosh, Samarkand Province. On 26 November, a NATO-sponsored project will be launched in Uzbekistan, for the safe destruction of 1100 tonnes of mélange. Stocks of this highly toxic substance, which was used during the Soviet era as rocket fuel oxidiser, is being kept in deteriorating storage conditions, posing a potential risk to the environment and local population. The clean-up process is expected to take one year, using a NATO mobile plant that has already been used succesfully in Azerbaijan.

The NATO Science for Peace and Security (SPS) Programme will cover the operational costs. The NATO Maintenance and Supply Agency (NAMSA) will operate the plant in Uzbekistan together with local experts specially trained for this purpose.

The government of Uzbekistan will support the project by supplying the necessary chemicals, infrastructure and logistic support.

The mobile plant was built three years ago, with the financial support of the NATO SPS Programme and under the operational oversight of NAMSA. It has already successfully converted over 1300 tonnes of mélange into a non-hazardous, low-grade fertilizer. NATO has invested €2,200,000 in the construction, transport, assembly and operation of the plant, as well as in technical personnel.

 Opening ceremony

The launch of the project will be marked by an official ribbon-cutting ceremony on Thursday afternoon, 26 November, at the military base of Oqtosh (Samarkand Province).

The Minister of Defence of Uzbekistan, Mr. Kabul Berdiyev, and the NATO Assistant Secretary General for Public Diplomacy, Jean-François Bureau, will preside over the opening ceremony.

Following the ceremony, the mélange destruction plant will be visited and its function explained.

A workshop on mélange will be organized in Tashkent on Wednesday, 25 November.

> For further information: www.nato.int

* Osce (Austria, Eastern Europe, Russia, Caucasus and Central Asia)

 OSCE Mission urges Kosovo courts to take swifter action in domestic violence cases

PRISHTINE/PRISTINA, 25 November 2009 - The judicial system in Kosovo must do more to protect vulnerable individuals from violence and abuse, says an OSCE report on domestic violence cases that was presented today.

The report’s conclusions are the result of two years of focused monitoring of judicial proceedings involving domestic violence by the OSCE Mission in Kosovo. The report expresses concerns regarding unlawful delays in scheduling hearings and in deciding on petitions for protection orders and emergency protection orders.

It also notes that the courts sometimes apply the law erroneously, which could lead to violations of the domestic legal framework and international human rights. In addition, the report observed failures by the courts to hear the opinion of representatives of the Centre for Social Work in cases involving juveniles. It further notes inadequate reasoning of judgments and the failure to effectively prosecute domestic violence crimes in some cases.

"Most victims of domestic violence are women and children. The justice system in Kosovo has a vital role in protecting the security and personal integrity of victims of domestic violence and it should play a more active role," said Markku Laamanen, the Deputy Head of the OSCE Mission.

The report’s recommendations emphasize that judges must comply with relevant laws and issue decisions within legally mandated deadlines. In addition, the report recommends that judges properly justify decisions in domestic violence cases and that the Kosovo Judicial Institute should continue educating judges and prosecutors.

"Domestic violence is not just a private matter - something that stays within the family and no one dares to speak about. It is a matter of public concern. We must speak about and combat this serious crime," Laamanen said.

The report was released on the International Day Against Violence Against Women, which also marks the start of the international awareness-raising campaign "16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence". As a part of its activities during this period, the OSCE Mission will host a roundtable meeting with Kosovo stakeholders to discuss the reports’ concerns and recommendations. In addition, the OSCE Mission will launch an anti-trafficking campaign Kosovo-wide.

The report is available on the OSCE website: Read

For PDF attachments or links to sources of further information, please visit: Read

> For further information: www.osce.org

* Osservatorio sui Balcani e Caucaso (Italy, Balkans and Caucasus)

 Il corpo delle donne

Lo stupro come arma di guerra, strumento specifico di terrore nei conflitti degli anni ’90 in Europa. In occasione della giornata mondiale contro la violenza sulle donne, pubblichiamo un contributo sul caso della Bosnia Erzegovina. La situazione di vittime e carnefici oggi

Read

> For further information: www.osservatoriobalcani.org

* Parliament of Georgia (Georgia)

Weekly newsletter of 25 November 2009

> For further information: www.parliament.ge

* Polish Institute of International Affairs (Poland)

 Please find enclosed issue of the Bulletin – “Armenia-Turkey Normalization Accord” by Tomasz Sikorski and Adam Szymański.

Two protocols on normalization of mutual relations, signed by Armenia and Turkey, map out the legal framework for good neighborly cooperation—but only after coming into force will they bring tangible effects. The ratification process may slow down or get scuttled by major differences between the parties over Nagorno-Karabakh or the massacres of Armenians during World War I. Yet the two governments are determined to go on with normalization in the expectation of mutual advantages.

 Please find enclosed issue of the Bulletin – “Gas Exporting Countries Forum: A Discussion Club or Beginning of Cartel?” by Ernest Wyciszkiewicz.

In the coming decade, the institutionalization of gas exporters’ cooperation is not going to produce any effective cartel capable of influencing prices through supply control. Due to the existing market-related and political barriers, a simple repetition of OPEC mechanisms on the gas market will not work. But coordination of producers’ activity may lead in the future to an informal division of markets. The European Union can counter such developments, detrimental to its member states, by completing the formation of a single market for gas.

> For further information: www.pism.pl

* Presidency of Russian Federation (Russia and Cis)

Daily news report of 25 November 2009

> For further information: http://president.kremlin.ru/eng

* Seenews (Bulgaria & Balkans)

 Daily news report of Albania (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Bosnia-Herzegovina (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Bulgaria (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Croatia (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Macedonia (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Moldova (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Montenegro (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Romania (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Serbia (25 November 2009)

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 Daily news report of Slovenia (25 November 2009)

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> For further information: www.seenews.com

* Vest (Slovenia)

Daily update of 25 November 2009

> For further information: www.vest.si